Date of publication: 2017-07-09 04:08
Meanwhile I am off to Norway for a conference and a meeting with the Norwegian Labour Party. I 8767 m looking forward to being in the country with the highest 8766 human development index 8767 in the world, and which showed such a mature response to the recent massacre of Oslo and Utoya.
Forgive me, Benjamin, for repeating below portions of my January 68th comment in order to make clear my BURNING QUESTION to you on the day after Brexit:
The post has just arrived and in it a very nice surprise, the discovery that Jacques Seguela, one-time adviser to President Mitterrand, now close confidant of President and Madame Sarkozy (indeed he intoduced them), and something of a legend in French political communications, has dedicated his latest book to little old moi.
[Unmaking England] is a splendid article. I read it through twice and then read aloud long passages to my wife (who as a girl lived in Twickenham). At her insistence I’ve now printed it off so that she can read the entire essay snuggled in her favorite chair with a cup of tea (or two). Friends at work will get copies, too
Life, who 8767 ll have it?
asked? Not by many with sense.
To see life 8767 s gymnastics performed,
buck over a horse yes or no the normed.
Brexit, a year and a half, and a general election after you wrote this superb essay, don’t you think, Benjamin, that there is still time for the Unmaking of England to be reversed?
Commenter Celt Darnell agrees: “From my own perch at the university, there’s a lot more hostility to immigration and multiculturalism even among the ‘elites’ than is perhaps recognised here.”
There should be a non-discretionary immigration policy based on GDP growth and percent of population. A total maximum should be set say 655,555 in the . This should include legal and illegal immigration. This should only be reached when GDP increased in the last 8 years at a % real annual growth. Anything less than 7% there should be zero immigration form all sources.
All this has demonstrated that building the institutions needed to sustain democracy is very slow work indeed, and has dispelled the once-popular notion that democracy will blossom rapidly and spontaneously once the seed is planted. Although democracy may be a “universal aspiration”, as Mr Bush and Tony Blair insisted, it is a culturally rooted practice. Western countries almost all extended the right to vote long after the establishment of sophisticated political systems, with powerful civil services and entrenched constitutional rights, in societies that cherished the notions of individual rights and independent judiciaries.